By every indication, Nigeria’s political and legislative landscape is on the verge of a major transformation. Yet, when the Senate passed for second reading the bill to repeal the Electoral Act 2022 and enact a new Electoral Bill 2025, one critical element that had earlier stirred nationwide attention was conspicuously left unmentioned—the proposal to shift presidential and governorship elections to November 2026, a full six months before the expiration of the current administration’s tenure. The silence was deafening, and it raised questions about whether the bold idea of recalibrating Nigeria’s electoral calendar had been quietly buried or strategically deferred for future debate.
For weeks leading up to the plenary, discussions around the proposed timeline change had dominated the political sphere. The argument in favour was simple but profound: holding elections six months before the end of an incumbent’s term would drastically reduce post-election litigations, allow sufficient time to resolve disputes, and ensure smoother transitions of power. However, when senators reconvened to deliberate on the wide-ranging reforms embedded in the new Electoral Bill 2025, that controversial clause appeared to have vanished from the conversation.
A Reform Bill Laden with Ambition
The proposed Electoral Act 2025 represents one of the most ambitious attempts yet to overhaul Nigeria’s electoral system. Beyond merely adjusting dates, the bill seeks to strengthen the autonomy of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), enhance transparency in campaign financing, empower citizens with clearer voting rights, and entrench accountability across every layer of electoral administration.
Among the sweeping reforms are several provisions designed to tackle systemic weaknesses exposed in the 2023 general elections. Section 3(3) of the proposed bill mandates the early release of INEC funds, a move aimed at curbing last-minute financial constraints that often cripple election logistics. In previous elections, delayed funding forced INEC to compress critical operational timelines, sometimes leading to logistical failures and the disenfranchisement of voters. The new provision would ensure that the commission has both time and resources to adequately plan.
Section 5 introduces a new level of financial transparency by requiring INEC to submit audited financial statements within six months after every financial year. The goal is clear: restore public confidence in an institution that wields immense power but has long been accused of opacity in its financial and operational dealings.
The bill also integrates technology and identity verification more deeply into the voter registration process. Section 10(2)(c) adds the National Identification Number (NIN) as part of voter registration requirements, aligning Nigeria’s electoral system with global best practices where digital identity is used to eliminate ghost registrations and duplicate voter entries.
Expanding the Franchise and Protecting Rights
One of the most groundbreaking provisions appears in Sections 12(1)(d) and 12(2), which seek to recognise the voting rights of inmates. For decades, the question of whether prisoners should vote has hovered at the fringes of Nigeria’s democratic discourse. If adopted, these clauses would mark a paradigm shift by allowing inmates—excluding those convicted of serious crimes—to register and vote, provided INEC can make the necessary arrangements.
Human rights advocates have hailed the proposal as long overdue, arguing that incarceration should not erase citizenship. Yet, critics question INEC’s capacity to manage such logistics, given the lack of adequate infrastructure even in regular polling environments. Nonetheless, the symbolism of expanding democratic participation to the most marginalised segments of society is difficult to ignore.
Toward Predictable Elections
Perhaps one of the most consequential innovations in the proposed law is Section 27(5–7), which sets clearer timetables for elections. It mandates that presidential and gubernatorial elections be held no later than 185 days before the expiration of an incumbent’s tenure. This provision is at the heart of the ongoing national conversation about moving Nigeria’s elections to November 2026. By ensuring that elections take place earlier, lawmakers hope to create a six-month buffer period for resolving election petitions and preparing for transitions.
Despite its absence from the Senate’s discussions during the second reading, insiders suggest the clause remains part of the draft text referred to the Committee on Electoral Matters. “The Senate may have chosen strategic silence to avoid premature controversy,” one senior legislative aide confided. “But the idea is very much alive and will resurface during the committee’s public hearing.”
Strengthening Transparency and Accountability
Beyond scheduling, the bill’s Section 44 introduces mandatory early voting, a practice that could benefit essential workers, election officials, and security personnel who are often disenfranchised on election day due to deployment duties. Similarly, Section 60(5) makes electronic transmission of results compulsory—a direct response to the controversies that trailed the 2023 elections.
If fully implemented, this clause would eliminate manual result collation in favour of real-time digital uploads, thereby curbing result manipulation at collation centres. Analysts have described this as “the single most critical reform” that could redefine electoral credibility in Africa’s largest democracy.
Electoral Burden and the Question of Proof
During the Senate debate, lawmakers delved into one of the thorniest issues in Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence—the burden of proof in election petitions. Traditionally, aggrieved candidates bear the responsibility of proving irregularities, even though INEC retains custody of all election materials and data.
Senator Seriake Dickson (Bayelsa West) challenged this framework, describing it as “unfair and illogical.” In his impassioned contribution, he argued that since INEC conducts the elections, appoints ad hoc officials, and collates results, it should also bear the burden of proving that its conduct was lawful. “If our electoral system fails, democracy will exist only in name,” he declared, drawing loud murmurs of approval from across the chamber.
Senate President Godswill Akpabio echoed this sentiment, calling for a reversal of the burden of proof to place greater responsibility on INEC. “It is time to correct an imbalanced system that unduly burdens citizens seeking justice,” Akpabio said. “INEC conducts the elections, controls the materials, and manages logistics. It should therefore carry the burden of proving that its actions reflected the will of the people.”
Akpabio’s remarks reflect a growing consensus that Nigeria’s electoral justice system disproportionately favours incumbents and electoral bodies, leaving challengers with limited recourse. The Senate President acknowledged that while the 2022 Electoral Act introduced commendable innovations—particularly electronic result transmission—there remains room for improvement as the nation looks ahead to 2027.
“Our democracy must move from electoral legality to electoral legitimacy,” he concluded, capturing the philosophical essence of the reforms being pursued.
The Battle for INEC’s Independence
A recurring theme throughout the deliberations was the call to strengthen INEC’s independence. Senators argued that despite constitutional guarantees, the commission remains vulnerable to political and financial interference. Dickson and several others called for automatic funding mechanisms and greater autonomy in staff appointments.
“The independence of INEC cannot exist on paper,” Dickson said. “If the body that conducts elections depends on political actors for funding or appointments, then the integrity of elections will always be compromised.”
The Senate leadership appeared sympathetic to these concerns, and the proposed reforms in Sections 3 and 5 directly address them. By mandating early disbursement of funds and audited financial reporting, lawmakers hope to insulate the commission from last-minute political manipulation.
Political Parties Under Scrutiny
Beyond INEC, the bill also seeks to regulate the internal operations of political parties. Lawmakers lamented that many parties have become breeding grounds for corruption, godfatherism, and exclusion. “Political parties have become the greatest threat to democracy,” Dickson warned bluntly. “We must regulate their conduct to entrench internal democracy.”
The call for reforming party primaries and campaign financing rules is not new, but the 2025 bill gives it renewed urgency. By tightening reporting obligations and enforcing spending caps, the legislation aims to curb the monetisation of politics—a phenomenon that has long eroded public trust.
Parallel Legislative Action: The Health Sector Boost
In a separate but related development, the Senate also passed for second reading a bill to amend the National Health Act, 2014. The amendment seeks to increase the Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF) from one per cent to two per cent of the Consolidated Revenue Fund (CRF).
Sponsored by Senator Ipalibo Harry, Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Health, the bill aims to secure sustainable financing for Nigeria’s fragile healthcare system, especially in the wake of dwindling donor support. “It is both a legal and moral imperative,” Harry declared, “to ensure that government fulfils its constitutional duty to guarantee the welfare of citizens.”
Harry warned that with Nigeria’s gradual exit from major global health financing platforms like Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance, and reduced U.S. funding for epidemic control and maternal health programmes, the country risks bearing the full financial burden of critical health services. The amendment, she argued, would safeguard essential services such as immunisation, maternal care, and epidemic preparedness.
The Constitutional Angle: Agbakoba’s Warning
While the Senate debated electoral and health reforms, former President of the Nigerian Bar Association and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Olisa Agbakoba, issued a sobering reminder about the broader context of reform. Speaking at a policy briefing in Lagos titled “Devolution is the Solution: Foundational Reform Agenda for Nigeria’s Transformation,” Agbakoba warned that the Tinubu administration’s ambitious goal of achieving a $1 trillion economy would remain elusive without fundamental constitutional reform.
“Discussions about constitutional reform have been going on for over 25 years,” Agbakoba said. “Yet, we have made no tangible progress. We cannot keep pretending that electoral or economic reforms will succeed within a defective constitutional framework.”
He lamented that the task of constitutional amendment has effectively been outsourced to the National Assembly, describing it as a dereliction of duty by the executive branch. For him, true progress requires devolution of power, restructuring of governance, and a national dialogue leading to a new constitution.
“History will judge this generation by one criterion,” Agbakoba warned. “Did we have the courage to restructure Nigeria when we had the chance, or did we squander the opportunity and leave our children to inherit the whirlwind?”
Looking Ahead: Between Promise and Politics
As the Senate referred the Electoral Bill 2025 to the Committee on Electoral Matters for further deliberation, the stakes could not be higher. The committee, chaired by Senator Simon Lalong (APC, Plateau South), is expected to hold public hearings and report back within two weeks. Lawmakers are under pressure from civil society, the media, and international observers to produce a bill that truly reflects the lessons of past elections.
The omission of any debate on the proposed November 2026 election timeline may have been strategic, but it will not escape scrutiny for long. Analysts believe that once the bill advances to the public hearing stage, advocacy groups and political actors will revive the debate over the benefits and risks of altering Nigeria’s electoral calendar.
For now, what stands out is the Senate’s growing appetite for reform—one that seeks to transform Nigeria’s elections from chaotic exercises in legality to credible expressions of popular will. Whether that transformation can be achieved without addressing deeper constitutional and structural issues, however, remains to be seen.
In the end, as the gavel fell and Senate President Akpabio announced the passage of the bill’s second reading by voice vote, one could sense both accomplishment and caution in the air. The lawmakers had taken an important step toward electoral reform, yet the hardest questions—the ones about timing, accountability, and constitutional direction—still linger unanswered.
If the coming months determine anything, it will be whether this new wave of legislative ambition translates into genuine democratic renewal or becomes yet another chapter in Nigeria’s long, unfinished quest for electoral legitimacy.
Post a Comment